Our young brothers and sisters are unhappy about the settlement. I have nothing but love in my heart for them. I can understand their sorrow. They have every right to doubt the wisdom of this settlement. Their opposition does not irritate me. I am not even angry. We opposed the Round Table Conference; we were also saying that we would get nothing from this Conference. What has happened now to justify our hopes of gaining something by attending the Conference? There is no magic in me, nor is there any in the Congress that will change the attitude of the Round Table Conference, and that we will attain everything. Therefore, please understand clearly that I make no promise that by attending the Round Table Conference we shall secure complete independence. My mind is full of misgivings and again and again I ask myself the question : "What shall we gain by attending this Conference?" Between what we demand today, and the demands that have been put forward at the Round Table Conference up to date, there is such an ocean of difference that the usefulness of going there may well be doubted.
But it is a sin not to do what circumstances have made it a duty to do. It is a principle of satyagraha that if there is an opportunity for talks with the party against whom satyagraha is being offered, then talks should be tried. We should strive to win over by love the person whom we consider our enemy. To conquer him in this manner should be the satyagrahi's resolve. If he does not possess this attribute but harbours enmity, jealousy and hatred in his heart, then he cannot be called a satyagrahi but a duragrahi. In the oft-repeated goal of the Congress there is no place for wilfulness. There is only place for truth and non-violence. Therefore, if we admit that there can be no compromise with those with whom we have tried the method of satyagraha, then that will be a great mistake. This error must be dispelled. Truly, I myself am doubtful of the outcome. Still, when we have been invited, when we have been asked to say what we want, to state our position rather than fight, then what other duty can we have but to do that? This is what the Prime Minister has said. The Viceroy also has uttered similar words. When I was in prison, even then he sent word to say that I could meet him whenever I wished to do so. Then he delivered a speech; and after that we were released. On my release, I wrote him a letter and as a result we decided to meet. Our meetings and talks ended in the present settlement. There is nothing in the settlement for us to be ashamed of. I do not want to explain here why certain things are not in the settlement and why certain matters were left untouched. But I shall explain to you how it became the duty of the Working Committee to make this compromise. When the Government set free the Working Committee, it became the duty of the latter either to break the law by offering civil disobedience and go back to prison, or do something other than that. Had we not exercised our discretion in choosing this second course, the world would not have cheered us, it would have censured us.
This is one question. Another thing is that we have not ended this struggle because we had grown weary. I did not like what Swami Govindanand said. He said, "We were prepared to continue the struggle for another year." I agree. I may even go further and add that we could have continued this fight not for one but for another twenty years to come. We are thirty crores in number out of which one crore would fight. And a satyagrahi fights on even when all have wearied and given up the struggle. So, it is not right to say that the Working Committee has accepted the settlement because we had become tired. He who suspends satyagraha because he is tired, deceives God, deceives the nation, deceives his country. But this settlement was not concluded in this manner. It was concluded because it had to be. We cannot argue that we should continue to fight because we have the strength to fight. Even if we had continued the fight for another year more, in the end this very same question would have come up. Would you even then say, "No, we shall continue to fight"? That soldier who says, "I shall keep on fighting", has false pride, and is guilty in the eyes of God. Therefore, the settlement ought to have been concluded.
Then, another thing. We do not yet quite know whether we shall reach the stage of the Round Table Conference or not. Even if we do, there is no reason to assume that we shall bring back something from there. Even if we return empty-handed you have no right to abuse us, nor can you laugh at us. Because I do not promise that, if I go, I shall necessarily bring back something or other. This is certain however : we shall not return with slavery. We shall not bring anything that is not contained in this resolution. But if we do not bring anything, how does it follow that we should hand over the work of the Congress to others? Even today the work of the Congress is in your hands. It is you that made Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel your President today. If you choose you can remove him from office tomorrow. If you wish to change the Working Committee you can do so. Therefore please do not say that it is the Mahatma who is behind this resolution. The Working Committee is behind it; so you have to let go the Mahatma. It is far better that you do not vote for the resolution. It should not be that simply because some of us have done something we should be kept on. If we have proved ungrateful or if we have acted foolishly, then certainly remove us from office. And instead of removing us on our return from the Round Table Conference, you can do so now. We are your servants; we shall resign and get away. Even if there is the slightest self-respect in us, we shall resign, and you will not be blamed for this. The world will say we did the right thing.
But if you feel that because I am a Mahatma this cannot be done, then it is weakness on your part. If swaraj cannot be had without the Mahatma, then, believe me, you will never be able to rule yourselves. When I left for Dandi, I said that even if all the leaders were jailed the fight would not stop. Those outside would continue it. You have shown it in action. Not only all the leaders, but all the workers were jailed, yet our work did not stop. The women took it up and were in turn imprisoned; even then the work did not stop.
Was Kikibehn Lalwani, who was dictator of Karachi, fit to be made dictator? The poor lady was suffering from phthisis. But she plunged into the battle, became dictator, and entered jail. The sick woman was cured, and she became a brave fighter. So, you can see that the Mahatma is not indispensable. I may add further that to the extent I deserve the title Mahatma, it was given to me for my spirit of service. Once I give up serving others I shall cease to be Mahatma from that very moment. Therefore do not feel that because this resolution was drawn up by the Mahatma, or by the Working Committee, therefore it cannot be opposed. If after deep consideration you reject this resolution then I shall defend you before the world.
But if you accept that you must do exactly as you are told by those who have started the fight, then I tell you to be with me and put up a sincere fight. That is, do not worry if your spokesman returns empty-handed. If he brings back something so much the better; but if he does not bring anything we shall fight again. So many have gone to jail, so many have faced lathi-charges, and undergone hardships that we do not wish unnecessarily to repeat all this. But, having done our duty, if we do not get what we asked for, then our resolve to fight stands. And, when we are there those who remain hereΓÇôsupporters and opponentsΓÇômust finish the work that remains.
I do not agree with Dr. Kitchlew that when we are away attending the Round Table Conference, the work that remains to be done should be done by the youth. Who else can picket like the women who picketed the foreign-cloth shops and the liquor shops? They shall abide by the rules of picketing that we have laid down and do the work of picketing.Men like Jamshed Mehta, who is known here by the name of Bhagat had to complain stronglyΓÇôbitterlyΓÇôagainst us. Let all read his article, and avoid the mistakes that he has pointed out and do picketing according to the rules laid down. Khadi work should be taken up in order to complete the boycott of foreign cloth. All this work is not only for the youth to do but for all.
I shall say a few words about the simple and candid speech of Khan Abdul Gaffar KhanΓÇôa speech that so well becomes a Pathan. I was very glad to hear what he said. It is good that we invited him and gave ourselves that opportunity of hearing him. I have lived among the Pathans. I have had Pathans as my clients. I know the Pathans' nature. If the Pathans believe that they have benefited by the CongressΓÇôand I believe that they haveΓÇôthen I wish to assure them further that we shall do nothing that will curtail their freedom. We shall do our best to see that the Frontier Province attains the same kind of independence as the other States will receive. I had intended to visit that province, but I regret that I shall not get the opportunity to do so. I was told that the Afghans on the other side of the Frontier Province also wished for my release. Why should the Afghans have wanted my freedom? I have worked for the Pathans of the Frontier, but I have done nothing for the Afghans. Yes, I shall certainly say that in our freedom lies theirs too. Today, however, beyond showing this much of fellowship, we are not able to render them any special assistance. On attaining freedom India has no designs to fight any other country. I can give this assurance to the Pathans and the Afghans. It is a great thing for the Pathans to join us in our fight, because we shall have a whole army of fighters.
I will say one or two words with reference to what has been left out in the resolution before you. One thing that has been left out is the Federation. What is the meaning of the word 'Federation'? Is it a Federation between the princes or the States on the one hand and the provinces put together on the other? What are the conditions under which that Federation is to take place we do not know at all. But the princes have taken up one position, viz., that there shall be no intervention on the part of the Federal Government in their internal affairs. All I have suggested in connection with the Federation is that they should acknowledge that the fundamental rights of the people of the States should be the same as those of the citizens in what is called British India. If those rights are guaranteed under the federal constitution, then there should be naturally some federal institution to protect those rights, i.e., a federal supreme court or whatever you might like to call it, to which an appeal would lie. I hope the princes will of their own accord recognize these two things and also allow representation for the subjects of the States. To do this would possibly be somewhat of a derogation from the sovereignty which the princes enjoy. But if they would be part of the Federation in which the larger part is to be governed by a spirit of absolute democracy, it is up to them to part with some of their power and that of their own accord and free will. I am hoping that some such thing would happen and that is why you find no mention made of Federation in this resolution.
He also said a word about an important reservation in the resolution viz., "in the event of the way being otherwise open".
Supposing that we do not arrrive at any settlement whatever over this delicate question of Hindi-Muslim unity, what is to be the position of the Congress? So far as I can see at the present moment, it will be useless for the Congress delegation to take part in the Conference if we cannot possibly arrive at a proper communal solution. But I am not able just now to give you my final decision or final opinion. I do not know. Many things may happen, which may make it necessary or highly desirable that the delegation should take part in the Conferene. But that is for the future really to decide.
Towards the conclusion, he addressed the following warning both to those who would reject it or accept it and gave a solemn promise of loyalty.
If the Congress rejects the settlement summarily, nothing can possibly be said against the Congress. The Congress is a paramount authority. The Working Committee is its creature. The action taken by the Working Committee, or taken by myself, may not commend itself to you. There should be, therefore, no question of toleration or patronage. It is open to every one of you to reject the resolution and to repudiate the settlement if you wish to. But if you endorse the settlement, then it is also your duty actively to support it, carry out all its items faithfully and honourably and do the various things which are set out before you in the resolution, so that you daily increase the power of the Congress and make it possible for the Congress delegation to vindicate the position of the Congress and possibly to bring the very thing for which you have suffered for the last twelve months.
One thing more. If this delegation goes as far as the Conference, it does not mean that the delegation will bring in its pocket purna swaraj. If it does not bring purna swaraj, it does not mean that it returns humiliated. Nothing of the kind. All that we expect to be able to do is to go and tell the British people and the British Minister what we want, and if we do not get what the Congress expects the delegation to accept within the terms of the resolution, we are bound to return empty-handed and receive your compliments, not curse. But you will be entitled to give us curses if we return having sold the interests of the country. That is what you have a perfect right to do. But it will not be proper for you to say, 'you were not able to fulfil your promises.' No promise has ever been made. No promise is being made now that if the deputation goes to the Conference, whether here or in England, or enters upon further negotiations, that deputation is going to bring purna swaraj. Purna swaraj will come when the full authority of the Congress has been manifested and not a minute before. It will be the greatest achievement of the Congress to bring swaraj if it does. All that I promise faithfully to you on my own behalf and on behalf of any delegation that you might wish to send with me is that we shall not be disloyal to the Congress in any shape or form.
The appeal did not fall on deaf ears, practically all the amendments were withdrawn, and the resolution was passed without the change of a comma or colon.
